Showing posts with label Jan 25. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Jan 25. Show all posts

Sunday, 11 March 2012

My Ode to the Revolution


Whenever I feel like the revolution has inhaled its last breath of air, I quietly remind myself to fear nothing.  
For I know the revolution is a dream that has found a place in the hearts and minds of Egyptians. 
It has found a place with those who allow themselves to imagine a better world. 
The revolution is alive. 
Its spirit felt amongst the men and women of Egypt.
Its spirit felt amongst the young and old of Egypt.
Its spirit felt amongst those not willing to give up on their dream. 
I see it in their courage. 
I see it in their generosity.
I see it in their optimism. 
The revolution is a dream for a better Egypt. 
Long live the dream.
الثورة مستمرة

Saturday, 4 February 2012

Friday, 13 January 2012

"Float like a butterfly. Sting like a bee."


Artist Unknown, Heliopolis, Merghani Street, 28 August 2011

Artist Unknown, Heliopolis, Merghani Street, 28 August 2011

Muhammed Ali's, "Float like a butterfly. Sting like a bee," came to my mind as a good timely framework connecting the images back to (post) revolutionary Egypt. Revolutionary and counter-revolutionary forces seem to be engaged in a long boxing match.

I discovered these reincarnations of Panda under a bridge in Heliopolis. I'm not sure if they're by the same artist. 

Sunday, 8 January 2012

What would you do if you were President of Egypt?

A friend asked me yesterday what I'd do if I were in charge of the country. I've always found questions that begin with "what if?"exciting. What if you won the lottery? What if you could live for a thousand years? What if you were president of Egypt?

My reply was, if I was in charge, "The people would be the red line." It's a sentiment I've often heard people chant during marches in Tahrir, reflecting people's desire to see Egypt's citizens treated with respect and dignity. 

My policies would put people at the heart of all its programmes ensuring the main pillars of the revolution were developed. I'd also ensure that the government, democratically elected every term, served the country and not the other way around. To see that happen, I'd start off with a constitution that stated on its cover in bold "الشعب خط احمر" that "The people are the red line." The constitution would be sealed in gold with the aim of always upholding "Freedom, Dignity and Social Justice."

My Egyptian utopia would be overseen democratically by three departments charged with fulfilling the revolution continuously. I'd hire ministers tasked with heading up these departments.

Freedom: A minister of human rights would ensure people's freedoms were safeguarded. We'd see an Egypt where citizens were treated equally no matter what their gender, ethnic, religious or sexual background. All Egyptians would be equal in front of the law. Egyptians would no longer have to live in fear of retribution for expressing their views. Police brutality would no longer be tolerated. Police officers would receive a respectable place in society again thanks to their citizen respecting philosophies. The law would encourage mutual respect.

Dignity: A minister of anti-corruption would be tasked to clean up politics, media, business and the justice system. It would ensure the abuse of power was no longer feasible. The main foundation for that would have to be a fair independent justice system. The clean up would ensure corruption was no longer tolerated offering people equal opportunities and a dignified status as citizens of Egypt.

Social Justice: A minister of development would implement policies and programmes promoting a modern 21st century economy, where jobs, education, healthcare, farming, technology, tourism and the environment were advanced with social justice at the core.

Finally, Tahrir would always serve as a place for reflection and protest ensuring those in power are held accountable.


Thursday, 13 October 2011

A case of institutionalised sectarianism?

A week ago I remember thinking, why did they clear away the sit-in? This was a chance for the Coptic community to express its grievances. A few days later, a follow-up protest was organised by the Coptic community resulting in the tragic event of Sunday, a dark day in Egypt's new history.

But as a country in mourning faces a crisis, symptomatic of a deeper running problem, a positive dimension is transpiring. The issue of the unequal treatment of the Coptic community in Egypt is unquestionably becoming a part of the national debate and psyche.

Last Monday, I was watching an interview on ONTV featuring a seasoned journalist called Gamal El-Ghitani, in which he raised critical points. Why did we get to this? What is the problem with building a thousand churches? Why is it that some 600 years or so of Coptic history are not mentioned in Egyptian school books? Why is it that Copts can't reach certain positions in sensitive areas?

They're all questions which point at a structural problem in the system and lead me to ask if Egypt is suffering from institutionalised sectarianism against Copts. While I believe most Egyptians are tolerant and respectful of each other's faiths, the system is somehow enabling the unfair treatment of Copts. The issue can no longer be ignored.

As the political and intellectual elite of Egypt discuss the current crisis and status quo of the Coptic community, I have hope that the matter will seep down further to the masses resulting in a raising of consciousness. I also hope that it will lead to a conclusion where all Egyptians are treated fairly and with dignity in their country of birth, no matter what their religious beliefs. It's a principle that puts some of the fundamental values of Jan 25 to the test.

Saturday, 17 September 2011

To those who dare to dream

This song is dedicated to those who dare to dream. Long live Jan 25.
The crowd sings: Bread, Freedom, Social Justice!
Man: Thank you. Thank you youths!
Crowd: Thank you. Thank you youths!



Tahrir Sep 16 2011

Friday, 16 September 2011

Can Egyptians unite to save their own Revolution?

A couple of days before the last millionia (a million protest) took place, I was feeling pessimistic.

With groups popularly known as: We're Sorry Mr. President and the Children of Mubarak taking a confident stand, talk of an ominous counter revolution, a violent clash between Ultra football fans and the police during a match and what seemed to me like more of a shift in public opinion against ever more protesting in Tahrir, it seemed to me that more Egyptians were turning against their own revolution.

A decision by the Supreme Council for Armed Forces (SCAF) that week, banning new satellite licenses and the tightening rules around protesting didn't help. For the first time, I was sceptical that the protest day in Tahrir would really make a difference.

But against all odds, Sep 9 occurred and suddenly hope reappeared on the horizon. It was a day organisers called the day of "Correcting the Path" of the revolution. I interpreted that as a protest to reinvigorate the revolution's aims.

I was away that weekend, but the impression I got from televised interviews was that Tahrir was peaceful. I felt optimistic again.

It was a day I think, that could have swayed some of the doubters back in favour of the revolution. But far from that, it was regrettably a day that ended with a dark cloud over the revolution.

The attack on the Israeli embassy much later that day, successfully derailed the revolution. Whatever the motivation behind the attack, I disagreed with it. Beyond that, the revolution suffered a major setback. The emergency law was reactivated, and a further enquiry into existing satellite channels in Egypt, suggested a further tightening grip on freedom, one of the revolution's main pillars.

People later claimed the attack was a plot to destabilise the revolution. Thanks to the actions of a minority, the majority would have to suffer the consequences.

If the attack on the embassy achieved one thing, it was that it successfully drew attention away from the revolution's aims. Meanwhile more anti-revolution voices could be heard, casting a dark shadow over it.

While all this was going on, I kept wondering and what about the revolution's demands? What about "Bread, Freedom and Social Justice?" And more importantly, would Egyptians find a united way back to save the revolution?

Wednesday, 13 July 2011

No Trust

I think the issue right now is the lack of trust towards the government, by the revolutionaries, speaking in general terms.

The focus of this piece is Tahrir, but I wish to acknowledge the efforts of protesters across the nation, in places from as far as Suez to Alexandria. Places I have not been able to document, because of a lack of resources.

I spoke to a protester yesterday, who's participating in the current sit-in. He told me he's planning to stay in Tahrir until demands are met, which include no military trials for civilians, a change of current ministers, and transparent and fast trials against the corrupted and those responsible for the deaths of martyrs.

He summarised it, as wanting to give Egypt its rights back. It's an admirable quality of resilience and persistence.

Speaking to him and others, I feel there is a frustration at the lack of concrete action by the current government. It seems a segment of people have lost their faith in the ruling government, a result of its inaction at fulfilling some of the pressing demands.

The people of Tahrir, might feel legitimacy is in Tahrir, where people's power counts. It's turned into a utopian republic of Tahrir.

Looking at it as an outsider and as an insider (I feel I'm wearing two hats in this process, as I was not part of the Jan 25 revolution), the problem lies in the lack of communication from the government to the people.

I wonder why a roadmap has not been put in place to alleviate some of the immediate concerns? A lack of transparency has created a lack of trust. Goodwill replaced by disbelief, as I witnessed in the Tahrir sit-in that started on Jul 8.

On paper transparency and openness about the future seems like a simple solution, but in life and politics things are sadly far more complex.